By Yoon In-jin (Korea University)

3. History of the Korean Diaspora

The history of separation of overseas Koreans is short compared to other peoples of the world such as the Jews, Chinese, Greeks and Italians, but Koreans have experienced a wide spectrum of immigration and settlement, to the point where Koreans can be found virtually anywhere in the world. The history of the overseas migration of Koreans can be divided into the period from the middle of the 19th century until liberation in 1945, where Koreans migrated to China, Russia, Japan, the U.S., Mexico and Cuba; after liberation, when Koreans migrated to North America, Latin America, Europe, Oceania, Southeast Asia, and etc. until the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and the former Soviet Union in 1990; and overseas Korean returning to their home country after the establishment of Korea-Soviet Union diplomatic ties in 1990 and of Korea-China diplomatic ties in 1992. More specifically, these periods can be further categorized into the following five periods.

The first period was from the 1860s to 1910 (the year of Korean-Japanese annexation), during which the peasants and workers in the late period of Joseon escaped famine, poverty and oppression of the ruling class and crossed borders to migrate to China, Russia, Hawaii, Mexico and Cuba. In the latter half of the 19th century, the people of Joseon were suffering from ongoing drought, and societal chaos intensified as wars and coups became frequent due to the wartime rivalry in the western part of the Joseon Dynasty. The food shortage worsened as Japan exported large quantities of rice and grain from Korea. Korean immigrants who migrated to Manchuria and Russia's maritime province in China in the late Joseon Dynasty lived an unstable life as they were economic migrants and cultivated farmland in areas where they were banned at the time. Initially, it was an economic migration to make a living, but when the Japanese invasion of Korea started to gain traction, independence activists carried out political migration for the sake of liberating their homeland. Therefore, the Maritime Province became the center of the independence movement at this time.

The migration of Koreans to sugar cane farms in the United States began in 1903, and in 1905, Japan prohibited Korean migrants to protect the Japanese workers living in Hawaii. From January 1903 to August 1905, 7,291 migrants arrived in Hawaii over the course of 64 times, most of them single men in their 20s. In order to marry them in the form of marriage by photo, about 1,000 Korean women crossed into Hawaii up until 1924 and formed immigrant families (Yoon In-jin, 2003). Migration to Central and South America were undertaken by 1,033 contract workers to the Henequen farm in the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico in 1905, of whom 300 migrated once more to Cuba in 1921 to avoid economic hardship (Lee Ja-kyung, 2004). When they and their descendants were disconnected from their home country, they maintained a very small community and quickly assimilated into the local society and culture.

The second period was from 1910 to 1945 during the Japanese colonial rule, in which peasants and workers whose land and means of production had been taken away migrated to Manchuria and Japan. Political refugees and independent activists also moved to China, Russia, and the U.S. to form independence movements. With the Manchurian Incident in 1931 and the establishment of Manchukuo in 1932, Japan carried out large-scale migration to develop the Manchurian region. In the late 1930s, the number of Koreans in Manchuria increased by about 500,000, of which approximately 250,000 were reported to be group migrants (Kwon, Tae-hwan, 1996).

With the economic boom in Japan during World War I, Koreans became workers, and by the end of the 1920s, the number of Koreans in Japan reached about 300,000. With the Sino-Japanese War of 1937 and the Pacific War of 1941, a great number of Koreans were dragged into mines and battlefields. As such, the size of Korean residents in Japan rapidly increased, reaching about 2.3 million by August 1945 when Japan was defeated by the U.S. After the defeat, the number of Koreans decreased sharply due to them returning to their homeland, and in 1947, the number fell to 598,507 (Lee, Moon-woong, 1996).

In the period of 1939 to 1945, toward the end of Japanese colonial rule, Koreans migrated for forced labor to southern Sakhalin, which was the Japanese government at the time. Some of them and their descendants returned to Korea in the 1990s. Koreans originally migrated to Sakhalin by choice in the early 1860s, but the number of migrants only reached 67 according to the Russian census conducted in 1897 (Cho Jae-soon, 2009). The Korean population grew as the farmers who had lost their land during the Japanese colonial rule began to migrate to Sakhalin, but with Stalin's forced migration policy in 1937, more than 1,000 Sakhalin Koreans living 50 degrees north, along with the ethnically Korean people of the Maritime Province were forced to migrate to Central Asia. Since then, Koreans living in Sakhalin only resided in southern Sakhalin, the Japanese government. In 1938, Japan enacted the National Coalition Act, which forced Koreans to migrate to southern Sakhalin and forced them to work in construction sites such as coal mines, forests, airports, roads and railways. The number of Koreans forced to move to Sakhalin was estimated at between 60,000 and 150,000 (Cho Jae-soon, 2009). In August 1945, when the Soviet Union declared war against Japan and occupied southern Sakhalin, the Koreans expected to return to their homeland, but the Soviet Union banned the departure of about 43,000 Koreans who had Japanese nationality at the time. After Japan’s defeat, Koreans in Sakhalin were deprived of Japanese citizenship, did not have citizenship in any country, and therefore, resorted to attaining Soviet citizenship. For more than 30 years after the end of World War II, Koreans in Sakhalin could not return to Korea. In 1988, the Soviet government allowed Koreans in Sakhalin to visit their homeland, thus marking the start of Koreans returning as a permanent residents of Korea in 1990.

The third period was from 1945 to 1962 (the year when the Korean government first established the immigration policy). At this time, Koreans who were residing in China and Japan returned to Korea after liberation, temporarily resulting in the decrease in number of overseas Koreans. It is estimated that the number of people who returned to Korea from Manchuria shortly after liberation reached 700,000, which was equivalent to 40 percent of Koreans living in China. According to official statistics of the Japanese government, 1,040,000 Koreans in Japan returned to their homeland from August 1945 to 1950, however, it is estimated that this number is actually higher, as the statistics do not include remigrants of self-will (Yoon In-jin, 2003).

During this period, Koreans immigrating abroad continued to take place. War orphans, women married to U.S. soldiers, and mixed-ethnicity children migrated to the U.S. or Canada after the Korean War. In addition, many students who went to the U.S. to study abroad settled in the U.S. after obtaining or even without earning their degrees. As with Korean-American women married to those in the U.S. Army, established a chain of immigrants after inviting their families when the immigration to the U.S. was open to the public in 1965 (Yoon In-jin, 2003).

In the era of the Cold War, the Korean community in Japan was divided into two groups, Chongryon and Mindan, and North Korea actively and aggressively promoted its overseas Koreans policy for all overseas Koreans including Korean residents in Japan. North Korea wanted to accept Korean residents to secure a labor force for restoration purposes after the end of the Korean War, and Japan wanted to send Korean residents in Japan, who took up most of the recipients of livelihood protection, to North Korea. Due to such mutual interests, the project to send Korean residents in Japan to North Korea was started, in which 93,000 people moved to North Korea from 1959 to 1984. These migrants believed that North Korea would be paradise on earth, but most of them were discriminated as impure, and many died or suffered from miserable lives in prison camps (Oh Il-hwan, 2010).

The fourth period was from 1962 to 1990 before the establishment of Korea-Soviet Union diplomatic ties, when immigration for the purpose of settlement began. Most overseas Koreans and their descendants, except in China, Japan and the union of independent states, migrated and settled during this period. In 1962, the Korean government started collective and contractual immigration to South America, Western Europe, the Middle East and North America. The purpose of the immigration policy in this period was to alleviate population pressure by sending the surplus population to foreign countries and for foreign currency remittances by the overseas Koreans. The first phase of group immigration started in Brazil in 1963 with 103 agricultural immigrants. Since then, immigrants were invited by Latin American countries for the same purpose of cultivating lands in Argentina, Paraguay and Bolivia. However, most immigrants did not have experience in agriculture and it was very difficult to cultivate wastelands, so they soon migrated to large cities and engaged in commerce (Son Jeong-su, 2007). Starting in 1963, miners and female nurses moved to West Germany as contract workers. In 1963, 247 miners were dispatched, and reached 5,323 in 1977. In 1966, 128 female nurses were dispatched, and this number reached 10,032 by 1976 (Korea-Europe Research Association, 2003).

Immigration to the U.S. and Canada began when the immigration law, which favored immigrants from North America and Western Europe, was amended in the mid-1960s, opening the door to Koreans. The middle class, who attained a higher education in Korea and had white-collar jobs, accounted for most of the migration to the U.S. and Canada (Yoon In-jin, 2003). Between 1985 and 1987, when Korean immigration reached its peak, about 35,000 Koreans migrated to the U.S. and South Korea became the third country after Mexico and the Philippines for number of immigrants to the U.S. However, the number of Korean immigrants began to decline during the 1988 Olympic Games in Seoul, and the number of people who gave up migration or re-immigrated to Korea began to rise.

If the amendment of U.S. immigration law in 1965 opened the door to the immigration for the purpose of settlement, the Vietnam War, which continued from 1955 to 1975, provided the opportunity for technicians to be dispatched to Vietnam. After the war, they moved to the Middle East, Southeast Asia and Australia, laying the foundation for the formation of a Korean society in Southeast Asia. South Korea sent a total of 312,853 troops to Vietnam by 1973, when the U.S. and Vietnam signed a ceasefire agreement in 1965, and a total of 24,000 Korean engineers were employed in Vietnam to perform military support operations. They worked for Korean companies such as Hanjin, Hyundai, and Samhwan, as well as American companies such as Vinnell, PA & E, and received individual economic benefits through military economic activities and at the same time, contributed to Korea's economic development.

In 1973, around the end of the Vietnam War, the first oil shock caused Korea and western countries to face an economic crisis. The Korean government utilized the experiences of migrant workers and female nurses for contractual labor migration to resolve the unemployment problem in Korea, and sent Korean workers to the Middle East to participate in the construction market which began in the region. In 1985, when the Middle East construction boom was in full swing, 120,245 workers worked in the Middle East mainly as construction workers. After this boom dwindled, Korean workers chose to relocate to other countries in search of new jobs.

Between the 1960s and 1980s, Korean immigrants to Australia marked a new occurrence with the re-migration of Koreans who originally migrated to Germany, Vietnam, the Middle East, and etc. as contract workers. In the 1960s and 1970s, the Koreans began to migrate to Australia in search of employment opportunities created by the mine development boom that began in Australia. Between 1972 and 1975, more than 500 Powell technicians and workers after military service migrated to Australia. They entered the country on short-term tourist visas and worked illegally. They obtained permanent residency from the Australian government, and invited their families still residing in Korea. This news attracted Korean miners and female nurses who had immigrated to countries like Iran, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay to Australia.

Since then, when the Australian government issued a second amnesty to illegal immigrants in June of 1980, illegal Korean immigrants became legitimate settlers and reunions with their families began to increase. However, new Korean immigrants who came to Australia as investment immigrants that started in 1986 were different in character from the existing members of the Korean community. From the outset, they began to settle with capital and had a high level of socio-economic life. The difference in migration backgrounds, methods and settlement processes between old and new immigrants widened the gap between the two groups, causing confrontation and conflict.

The fifth period of Korean immigrants began with the establishment of Korea-Soviet Union diplomatic ties in 1990 and Korea-China diplomatic ties in 1992, when those in the former Soviet Union (reorganized to the union of independent states in 1992) and Chinese compatriots were reintroduced as overseas Koreans. In other words, in the Cold War system, Koreans in the communist countries were not of interest to Koreans, but after Korea established relations with the Soviet Union and China, they began to be included in statistics of overseas Koreans. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade statistics of overseas Koreans, the number of overseas Koreans increased from 2.32 million in 1990 to 5.54 million in 1995. In particular, during this period, the number of Chinese compatriots came to Korea for employment, marriage, study abroad, visits, etc., and their influence increased in Korea.

By the end of 1997, Koreans in their thirties who had lost jobs or were worried about employment due to the Asian financial crisis at the time, began to migrate abroad. In 1999, 5,267 people left for employment immigration, and in 2000, this number increased to 8,369 (Yoon In-jin, 2013). Those who migrated for the purpose of employment were mostly people in their 30s, and those who had lived a stable life, with higher education and professions. As Canada implemented immigration policies favoring highly educated and skilled workers, it became a new destination instead of the U.S. for Korean immigrants.

Southeast Asia, including Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand, emerged as a new hub of Korean immigration starting in the 1990s. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade data on overseas Koreans, the largest increase in the Korean population was in Southeast Asia. Migration to Southeast Asia began in the form of forced labor during the period of Japanese colonial rule, but full-scale migration began in the 1960s. Domestic companies made inroads into Southeast Asia, which is rich in natural resources such as wood and oil. Currently, more than half of the immigrants reside in Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand. In the case of Vietnam, immigration began following the establishment of Korea-Vietnam diplomatic ties in 1992, and in 2014, the country was the No.1 place for Korea’s foreign direct investment, with the number of immigrants rapidly increasing due to people planning to move the production base from China and dreaming of immigration after retirement.

As described above, the Korean diaspora, which began in the early 1860s, has accumulated memories and experiences of success and stagnation over 150 years. Continuous movements of the Korean diaspora, which began at different times and locations, ultimately and unintentionally formed a transnational network between the motherland-transit-host countries. Modern Korean overseas are living more dynamically, and with flexible, multiple identities than in the past, in a transnational space where space and time are compressed due to the development of transportation, information and communication technologies. In the future, the global Korean network should evolve one step further, and Korean diaspora should be developed as a platform to build a Korean consortium in which overseas Koreans and their home country can co-develop.

4. Gyeonggi-do’s Advantages and Role

The importance of geography in the development of human civilization is crystal clear. In his famous novel, "Guns, Germs and Steel," Jared Diamond (2005), argues that human civilization is capable of large-scale food production, smooth inter-regional migration and exchange, and that it is the history of mankind in which conquering regions and nations that have developed later is more likely to occur in higher civilization in regions with large area and population. In his new book, the “Geopolitical Imagination of Modern Japan,” Seo Seung-won (2019: 11), who studies Japanese politics, defines geopolitical imagination as "geographical presumption, expression and recognition, and a framework for understanding the world that forms the way to interpret and behave in it." The problem with Japanese Prime Minister Abe is that he responds to the 21st century phenomenon with dated and geo-determinist icconcepts and ideas of the 19th and 20th centuries. In Korea, as well, it claims to be as lave of the ruling theory of power as long as it cannot break free from geo-determinism that is thought to be the fate of the peninsula which is constantly caught between the continental and maritime forces. The two books point to the importance of geography in the development of a nation and civilization on the one hand, and on the other hand, claims geography can be an opportunity or a risk, depending on the perspective. As such, geography always has potential, and is not determining factor.

Another point to note in terms of the development of human civilization is that a new culture is born in a “contact zone” where two cultures cross and interact. For example, Gandhara’s art developed from Buddhist art to Hellenism through the invasion of Gandhara by Alexander the Great. Thus, culture is fundamentally a mixture and this hybridity is likely to occur in regions with cross-cultural boundaries.

In this aspect, cities and countries flourish in transit trade where they can easily cross, interact and mix with different cultures. Typically, the Republic of Venice is a city in Venezia, northern Italy. It was a maritime hub in the Mediterranean for about one thousand years from the 8th to the 18th centuries. With the Crusades, the Mediterranean trade connecting Europe and the Middle East brought about wealth and supported many artists, leading to the Renaissance.

With consideration to the importance of a bridge-like location, Gyeonggi-do can be regarded as Korea’s bridgehead to open the Asia-centered era of the 21st century. Generally, Incheon acts as the sky and sea to be a gateway for Korea to reach the world. Specifically, it serves as a springboard to advance into rapidly growing Asian countries such as China, Vietnam and India.

In addition, Gyeonggi-do is the most crucial bridge in connecting the two Koreas and for exchange and cooperation. Gyeonggi-do has the fastest land, air and sea routes to connect the two Koreas. In particular, Gyeonggi-do’s role is more important than ever before in the situation where the inter-Korean relations have improved and the possibility of exchange and cooperation has recently emerged. Naturally, the joint development project of the Han River to spread downstream is a practical way to boost the mutual benefits for the two Koreas.

For Gyeonggi-do to become a platform for the Korean diaspora, it will have to meet the following requirements.

First, policy leaders of Gyeonggi-do, including the governor, should establish the philosophy of Gyeonggi-do’s vision and role as a platform. Rather than Gyeonggi-do being a local government in Korea, it is necessary to develop a logical and systematic way of thought for it to play the role of Korea's leading global hub and platform, and develop the execution strategy, and share it with Gyeonggi-do’s citizens. In particular, policy leaders of Gyeonggi-do should educate the citizens to accurately recognize the meaning and value of the Korean diaspora and share it.

Second, offline and online ecosystems should be provided for overseas Koreans to freely interact with one another. Particularly, Korean and overseas Korean entrepreneurs should improve their hardware and software to freely and smoothly perform business activities in Gyeonggi-do. For example, by establishing business centers such as the World Korean Business Center, where Korean entrepreneurs from all over the world can exchange business information and create an environment to facilitate commerce. It would also be beneficial for the next generation of overseas Koreans visit Korea to learn about the traditions and culture of their native country, the history of the Korean diaspora, Korean identity and national pride.

Third, platform business model needs to be developed where overseas Koreans can participate and receive substantial benefits. The Korean diaspora platform that is targeted here may not only be a profitable commercial model but a social economic model as well, pursuing public interest. For example, the world's largest accommodation provider, Airbnb, connects guests who want to book a room with the owner who rents it out, and receives a brokerage fee from the owner. By associating this model with the Korean diaspora, a Korean-American homestay site may come to mind [in fact, Hanintel (www.hanintel.com) is currently in operation], and the development of a model that can connect the demand and supply among the overseas Koreans is necessary.

Fourth, for Gyeonggi-do to become a platform that encourages free, open and equal interaction regardless of the background and characteristics of individuals, the recognition and acceptability of multiculturalism needs to be improved. Gyeonggi-do can develop into a platform where more diverse actors participate when equal rights and opportunities are provided to individuals despite differences in race, ethnicity, religion and ideology, and where their unique culture and identity are acknowledged and respected. For this, it is expected that Gyeonggi-do can play a leading role in areas where the central government and other municipalities can not. For example, in Korea, the Anti-Discrimination Act, which is a basic condition of a multicultural society, has not yet been enacted. It is anticipated that Gyeonggi-do leads the way. In this regard, it is recommended that the Korean Immigration Museum in Incheon be not only a place dealing with the history of Korean immigration and settlement, but also the history of migration and settlement of immigrants to Korea. Through the history of the members of Gyeonggi-do leaving and entering, leading to the accumulation of wisdom and empathy, can Gyeonggi-do truly develop into a platform for the Korean diaspora as it becomes an active agent for a global, multi-cultural society.

This essay was prepared for presentation at the GyeongGi Cultural Foundation’s Korean Diaspora International Symposium (“The Korean Diaspora and its Future, Gyeonggi-do as a Platform”) held on April 12, 2019 at Suwon Convention Center.

This section references parts of the writer’s article, "Overseas Koreans and Overseas Koreans Policy" ["Immigration Policy" (Park Young-sa, 2016), Chapter 12].

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